{"version":"1.0","provider_name":"VioDemos","provider_url":"https:\/\/viodemos.cl\/en","author_name":"Valentina Aravena","author_url":"https:\/\/viodemos.cl\/en\/author\/valea\/","title":"(Espa\u00f1ol) Fiscal Origins of Subnational Democracy: Evidence from Argentina","type":"rich","width":600,"height":338,"html":"<blockquote class=\"wp-embedded-content\" data-secret=\"7V9t14CrIA\"><a href=\"https:\/\/viodemos.cl\/en\/publicacion\/fiscal-origins-subnational-democracy-evidence-argentina\/\">(Espa\u00f1ol) Fiscal Origins of Subnational Democracy: Evidence from Argentina<\/a><\/blockquote><iframe sandbox=\"allow-scripts\" security=\"restricted\" src=\"https:\/\/viodemos.cl\/en\/publicacion\/fiscal-origins-subnational-democracy-evidence-argentina\/embed\/#?secret=7V9t14CrIA\" width=\"600\" height=\"338\" title=\"&#8220;(Espa\u00f1ol) Fiscal Origins of Subnational Democracy: Evidence from Argentina&#8221; &#8212; VioDemos\" data-secret=\"7V9t14CrIA\" frameborder=\"0\" marginwidth=\"0\" marginheight=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" class=\"wp-embedded-content\"><\/iframe><script>\n\/*! This file is auto-generated *\/\n!function(d,l){\"use strict\";l.querySelector&&d.addEventListener&&\"undefined\"!=typeof URL&&(d.wp=d.wp||{},d.wp.receiveEmbedMessage||(d.wp.receiveEmbedMessage=function(e){var t=e.data;if((t||t.secret||t.message||t.value)&&!\/[^a-zA-Z0-9]\/.test(t.secret)){for(var s,r,n,a=l.querySelectorAll('iframe[data-secret=\"'+t.secret+'\"]'),o=l.querySelectorAll('blockquote[data-secret=\"'+t.secret+'\"]'),c=new RegExp(\"^https?:$\",\"i\"),i=0;i<o.length;i++)o[i].style.display=\"none\";for(i=0;i<a.length;i++)s=a[i],e.source===s.contentWindow&&(s.removeAttribute(\"style\"),\"height\"===t.message?(1e3<(r=parseInt(t.value,10))?r=1e3:~~r<200&&(r=200),s.height=r):\"link\"===t.message&&(r=new URL(s.getAttribute(\"src\")),n=new URL(t.value),c.test(n.protocol))&&n.host===r.host&&l.activeElement===s&&(d.top.location.href=t.value))}},d.addEventListener(\"message\",d.wp.receiveEmbedMessage,!1),l.addEventListener(\"DOMContentLoaded\",function(){for(var e,t,s=l.querySelectorAll(\"iframe.wp-embedded-content\"),r=0;r<s.length;r++)(t=(e=s[r]).getAttribute(\"data-secret\"))||(t=Math.random().toString(36).substring(2,12),e.src+=\"#?secret=\"+t,e.setAttribute(\"data-secret\",t)),e.contentWindow.postMessage({message:\"ready\",secret:t},\"*\")},!1)))}(window,document);\n\/\/# sourceURL=https:\/\/viodemos.cl\/wp-includes\/js\/wp-embed.min.js\n<\/script>\n","description":"We claim that as provincial fiscal institutions decentralize fiscal rents from the province to municipalities, they empower mayors to challenge governors. Conversely, as these institutions centralize rents at the province, they empower governors and weaken opposition from below."}